8/28/18

Vladimir Putin; Philosopher-King


An assignment in progress...

Module Five Essay Assignment;
Inclusive institutions and civic engagement in contemporary Russia: deliberation or imitation?”

1) “What are inclusive institutions in contemporary Russia?”
2) “What are examples of civic engagement?”
3) “In what cases we can see the real deliberation in contemporary Russia? What are the key factors?”
4) “What cases are just the imitation of inclusion and deliberation? Why?”

Answers:

1) “What are inclusive institutions in contemporary Russia?”

Human social organizations that are open to membership could be regarded as inclusive. I was influenced in defining organizational inclusiveness from Jean Paul Sartre’s Critique of Dialectical Reason. Within Sartre’s organizational paradigm there is a phenomenal or existential element for an organization. Inherently an organization has the capacity for ad hoc change and reform. Therefore the set of organizations that exist in Russia today that are inclusive should not be narrowly defined. I would like to include business organizations as inclusive as well as government and quasi-governmental agencies that interact positively with the general public.

Urban areas have more organizations than rural because there are more people in urban areas. Governing powers coordination centers are located in urban areas generally, as well as the people, financial centers are located in urban areas too so that is where organizations seek access to government monetary resources develop too.

Fortunately this course is structured for beginners in the subject of governance in Russia. I haven’t been to Russia- Helsinki was as close as I have been, so research into the topic of Russian organizations that exist and are inclusive in Russia brought me to several obvious Internet sites providing, indirectly, information about the state of Russia development since the end of the Cold War and in particular since the year 2000.

Humans can organize to help themselves and to improve their living conditions unless it is legally outlawed. Business is one of the more efficient ways to do so. Business models are malleable and adaptive regarding membership and may include ownership co-ops, joint partnerships and incorporation. The may be dedicated to virtually any purpose, and especially as corporations may be for-profit or non-profit. The Council on Foundations appears to be an inclusive venue for forming sundry forms of organizations and interactive deliberative structures including non-profits.


The website above lists five most-common kinds of existing organization in Russia that international grant makers encounter:

Public organizations;
1. Foundations;
2. Institutions;
3. Autonomous non-commercial organizations; and
4. Associations (unions).
seems to be a good point to find numerous services for citizens in Russia. It is “an official Internet portal for government services” and appears to have quite a substantive on-line listing of useful urls. Some of the services, for example, obtaining documents or information regarding water, may require a fee.

Following I will make a list of several Internet indexed sites that are relevant to the topic of inclusive social organizations in Russia including business sites.




http://rusmarket.com/ Russian business websites



https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Russian_websites



https://www.oidp.net/docs/  includes a brief history of initiative budgeting

https://www.forskningsradet. "Local government budgeting reforms in Russia: implications and tensions"

https://www.ned.org/region/  Russian 2017 budget including citizen initiative support



https://truthout.org/articles/  -public votes on how to spend a pot of money






2) “Examples of Civic Engagement”

One may define civic engagement in numerous ways. If one specifically chooses for the term to mean how the government engages with citizens instead of being somewhat insular and aloof, then the range of possible answers might exclude numerous examples of citizen self-organizing. The sovereign governmental power of a nation is what is challenged historically from within and without. Those in a position to run a government as authorities sometimes repress dissent. Russia has opposition parties such as The Other Russia. For observers from afar t may be difficult to identify the actual identity of the players for opposition parties that probably are composed of people with diverse political interests while, alternatively, President Putin is mostly interested in keeping opposition parties within the boundaries of certain general political criteria that would include basic agreement with principles of democracy, private property, and several other traditional western civilization values.

3) “In what cases we can see the real deliberation in contemporary Russia? What are the key factors?”



4) “Just the imitation of inclusion and deliberation? Why?”
Opposition parties today have certain attack methods and social media and traditional organizational means that belie the real goals of the constituency of the parties, in some cases one might infer. If communist comprise a continuing substantial portion of the population of Russia the goals may be fundamentally in conflict with those of the principles of western democracy, as would fascism, and for that matter, corporatism and socialism. Therefore one requires a degree of skepticism about political leaders in opposition parties actually expressing the true opinions of their followers.
Garry Kasparov and Alexei Navalny are two political leaders from opposition parties that would seem prima facie to be moderate reform-minded candidates for the Presidency of Russia that were interfered with by the Putin Administration and its supporters from running for the job. That would be an example of fake deliberation or opportunity to run for the office of President. It may be that President Putin has had to act as a kind of Platonic Philosopher-King for some time to Shepard the developing Russian state and to keep it within certain rational boundaries for development.

The appearance of the philosopher-king in the unexpected person of former President Boris Yeltsin was a remarkable historical occurrence. Apparently the philosopher-king may be a necessary tool for developing a government that involves the redistribution of a broken up government within an already existing society that has transitioned to a degree into chaos. Maybe it is comparable to military governors such as Douglas MacArthur in post-war Japan who provided much input on reform the Japanese government. It is probably at best a temporary role that the successful n of what coincide with the vacating of the special powers subsumed within an emerging stable democratic platform.

Yet the question arises; is President Putin the sole politician capable of serving in the Presidential philosopher-king role, and wouldn’t it at some point be better for public credibility if opposition party candidates that could continue a program of free enterprise and ecologically reasonable economic policies and security concerns be allowed to actually run and get elected, if the people chose to elect one?




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